Ο ΓΑΠ,ΟΙ ΦΟΡΟΙ,ΤΑ ΚΑΝΟ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΝΤΟΥΖ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΝΕΟΕΛΛΗΝΑ ΦΟΡΟΛΟΓΟΥΜΕΝΟ…;-D

 

Greece: The Curse of Three Generations of Papandreou’s by James Petras*

From his vantage point as former adviser to one of the Papandreou governments, James Petras examines how the Socialist Papandreou dynasty has, ever since World War II, relentlessly turned Greece into a client state, surrendering sovereignty and sacrificing class solidarity for patronage. Currently mired in debt and faced with mass unrest, Prime Minister George Papandreou is perpetuating the same logic, having turned to foreign bankers and imperial powers for direction while cracking down on the social protests that are rocking his country.

 

23 MARCH 2010 From New York (United States) Tools Print Send All the versions of this article: Português Español italiano Countries Greece Themes Economic globalisation

PM Papandreou and US Secretary of State Clinton are in concert over issues: Clinton agreed that the new Greek government is a government that takes initiatives. (Berlin, November 2009) In each of the three decisive moments of recent history, Greece has been pulled backwards from a chance for social transformation, political independence and freedom from external tutelage by one and another of the Papandreou family. The three periods promising new vistas for the Greek popular movements include: (1) The period following the defeat of the Nazi occupation army and its collaborator puppet regime by the Greek partisan resistance, backed by its liberation army (ELAS-EAM) and its civilian allies. (1944-1945) (2) The decisive electoral defeat of the rightwing New Democratic Party in 1981. The majoritarian vote for the Panhellenic Socialist Party (PASOK) together with the Communist Party controlled nearly two-thirds of Parliament. Inheriting a “broken and bankrupt and non-viable” capitalist economy from a discredited and crushed Right, PASOK received a popular mandate to socialize the economy. (3) The world capitalist crises of 2007 –2010 and in particular, the bankrupt and highly indebted Greek capitalist state-led to the election of George Papandreou (Junior) in 2010 on a platform of “social change” and increased social welfare. He attracted working class and trade union support on the bases of creating a new modern and more just society. Between Revolution and Reaction: The Role of George Papandreou (Senior) In the wake of one of Europe’s greatest anti-fascist partisan led victory, the Greek resistance movement, backed by over 2 million partisans advanced toward the liberation of the capital city of Athens in October 1944. With scant support inside the country, George Papandreou was propped up by imperial British warplanes and tanks and the rightwing monarchy in exile. Acting as Prime Minister he ordered the disarmament of the Resistance and backed the British military assault on tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators in Constitution Square in Athens killing and wounding hundreds of Greek freedom fighters. Papandreou presided over the military recruitment of numerous ex-Nazi collaborators and Monarchists, financed and armed and commanded by British and later US generals. He later served as a cabinet minister in regimes which launched a vicious assault on the mass leftist popular movements. They turned what was a joyful moment of liberation into the beginning of a squalid period of savage repression and the restoration of all the upper class scum from pre-war Greece, along with their pro-Nazi collaborator colleagues. Greece was turned into a client state of the US, ruled by a series of externally subsidized kleptocratic police states, which retained their rule by inflating a patronage based bureaucracy, divorced from modern industry. Andreas Papandreou and the Demise of the Right (1981) Subsequent to the demise of the military junta (1967 – 1974) the Greek Right came to power, retaining much of the old state apparatus and propping up a wealthy but dysfunctional ruling class living off monetary transfers from the EEC. The pillage of state resources, the bankruptcy of most of the private sector firms, the backwardness of the agricultural sector, the closed and authoritarian nature of public and private institutions, led the vast majority of the working class, students, farmers and unemployed to provide a massive electoral victory for Andreas Papandreou. The combined vote of the Socialist and Communist Parties was over 60% and provided a clear majority to legally transform the society and economy. Moreover, Andreas Papandreou’s program promised to “socialize the economy”, modernize the countryside and break from imperial domination. In particular he promised to terminate membership in NATO, and US military base agreement. Given the fragmentation, demoralization, dispersion and decadence of the Right, political opposition to a socialist advance was at a minimum. Given the private sectors’ high indebtedness to the state banks, the Papandreou government did not even require legislation to expropriate the firms: it could ask for loan repayments or the keys of the firm. Papandreou rejected the option of transforming the moribund capitalist system: he offered new loans, forgave debts and intervened to restore private ownership by auctioning the firms to new private (foreign) owners. At the time I was an adviser to Papandreou. When I asked him why he didn’t socialize the indebted firms, he answered that “because of the crises, it is not the time to transform the economy; it would have to wait till the economy got on its feet”. When I replied that he was elected to change the system precisely because of the crises and that once capitalism was restored the political and economic opposition would be more formidable he replied “that the ‘economy’ is too weak to sustain a socialist regime”; he added that “the working class is only interested in consumption not investing to modernize the economy”. In practical terms Papandreou restored capitalism despite its moribund condition, increasing the public debt in the process. During his first term in office over eighty percent of Greek public opinion was in favor of closing the US military bases and their intelligence operations in Greece. Through balcony demagoguery and false promises to act “in the future”, Papandreou maintained the bases. Similarly, Papandreou repudiated the vast majority of voters who elected him to withdraw from NATO by engaging in inconsequential “criticism” … from within. Worse still Papandreou stayed in the European Economic Community, accepting transfers and loans in exchange for lowering trade barriers. This began the process of windfall short term gains in consumption and state spending on a patronage based bloated bureaucracy in exchange for the decimation of the backward industrial and agricultural sector. Papandreou used EEC transfers to buy votes via subsidies to farmers, short term wage gains to workers and huge tax write offs and loans to business elites. Deficits and debts grew, while the productive apparatus to sustain consumption withered. Patronage was Papandreou’s “alternative” to social transformation. The EEC was willing to finance Papandreou and put up with his dysfunctional economic policies because he was destroying and undermining the social movements for change which originally brought him to power. While Andreas Papandreou was denouncing NATO in front of mass meetings he was holding weekly consultations with the US Ambassador confirming his loyalty to the military alliance….During the first year of his government (1982 – 1984) when I directed the Center for Mediterranean Studies and was an unofficial advisor to Papandreou I would be leaving by the backdoor of his house in Kastri while the US Ambassador was entering through the front door. After awhile, I realized that he borrowed leftwing critiques to justify rightwing policies. A practice for which he became a virtuoso … of deception. More recently a State Department official once commented to me that he preferred George Papandreou the younger over his father: “the same conformist policies”, he commented “without the demagogy”. Over the years, Andreas empty rhetoric and pro NATO practice converted an entire generation of militant socialists into cynical opportunists and social climbers, who sacrificed class solidarity for patronage, lucrative posts in the EEC bureaucracy for social transformation. The post-junta generation, the student idealists from the Polytechnical struggle became the corpulent functionaries of the NATO state. George Papandreou (Junior): History as Farce (Three Times Over) Like his family predecessors George Papandreou was elected in October 2009 in the midst of the most profound world capitalist crises since the 1930’s. Greek finances were ‘under water’; the economy was in a free fall; the public treasury was empty; capitalism was literally bankrupt and the rightlist parties were disgraced and discredited. During his electoral campaign Papandreou promised a modern social welfare state with a priority for social investments in public health, education and ameliorating poverty. Once in office, true to the Papandreou tradition, he did an about face. Striking an indignant posture he claimed to “discover” that the Greek treasury was empty and the country was over indebtedand that the only solution was to slash living standards by reducing salaries, and savaging wages, social programs and pensions in order to pay the foreign bankers. Like his familial predecessors no effort was made to collect back taxes from the rich or embargo the secret foreign accounts of the bankers, corporate executives, ship owners, stock speculators, consultants, investment brokers who swindled Greek taxpayers and pensioners of billions of Euros. No effort was made to recover the debts owned by the private sector to the state financial institutions. On the contrary Papandreou turned to the Wall Street swindlers – Goldman Sachs (who,in 2001, facilitated the pillage of public loans for private gain) – for advice and support. Like his grandfather, faced with mass unrest, he turned to the imperial powers for guidance and direction. In effect Papandreou surrendered Greek sovereignty and economic policy making to Merkle, Sarkozy, Obama and the IMF. They formulated the most draconian class based austerity program in recent European history. The EU and US policymakers, finding a most docile and submissive client in Papandreou, insisted on one, two three many rounds of cuts in living standards, over a 4 month period (December 2009 – March 2010), reducing Greek living standards below the levels of the early 1980’s. The socialist trade union leaders’ initial weak, token protests encouraged Papandreou and his economic and finance ministers to push harder for greater concessions, hoping to satisfy “the market” – a euphemism for the financiers and speculators. Demonstrators took to the streets in Thessaloniki on March 11, during a 24-hour general strike to protest the government’s austerity plan. After thirty years of rightwing and PASOK patronage politics, tax free rides for their business clients and lending to kleptocratic dysfunctional ‘investors’, Papandreou, ever responsive to the foreign bankers and their imperial political mentors, escalated the repression of the social movements and trade unions. In contrast he flew to Paris, Berlin and Washington promising more cuts in social budgets, begging for financing to bail out the corrupt state and Greece’s decadent ruling class. October 2009 appeared as another historic opportunity to launch a new post-capitalist state, putting an end to thebankruptcy of the klepto-speculator economic system and its discredited rightist supporters. Instead October turned into a political nightmare. The Papandreou regime and its parliamentary robots went far beyond even the previous rightist regimes – in eroding living standards, it handed over the design, direction and enforcement of the retrograde socio-economic policy to the EU and Washington, who in defense of their financial elites are determined to extract the last pound of flesh from the public and private, working class. Papandreou’s policy is to “save the economy” … by destroying it. In the midst of a deepening recession his regime is reducing spending and incomes and increasing regressive consumption taxes; a sure formula to turn a recession into a chronic depression. The historic mission of the Papandreou regimes is to embrace the empire to save the rich, no matter how many dead anti-fascists, how many disenchanted workers, how many immiserated pensioners have to pay the price. Conclusion The political history of the Papandreou family is a Greek tragic-farce; the tragedy of a people who fought the good fight again the Nazis and their collaborators only to be savaged by the rising new Anglo-American rulers. The heroic Polytechnical University student struggle (1973) against the US backed military dictatorship ended up witnessing the rise of a pseudo-populist demagogue (Andreas Papandreou) who promised democratic socialism and ended up socializing the private debts of capitalist kelptocrats. And now the last (hopefully) in the line of imperial sycophants (George Papandreou) who promised progressive changes and imposed regressive policies, while handing over the keys to power to his overseas imperial overseers. Beyond the political idiosyncrasies of Greece, the history of Greek Social Democratic regimes illustrate their historical role as the saviors of capitalism in crises. They are allowed, by the foreign and domestic elites, to come to power because they have the popular backing to implement the harsh reactionary policies which the established discredited rightists are too weak to impose. In embracing and enforcing their unpopular and retrograde polices, the Social Democrats, profoundly alienate their working class and lower middle class supporters – they commit political suicide. But for Social Democrats, the Papandreou’s of Europe, they served their purpose: they turned back the tide of radical or revolutionary change. They sacrificed their regimes but saved the capitalist state. The most hopeful and promising change today is that the Papandreou –PASOK mystique has evaporated; even the most loyal socialist trade union official dares not raise their hand to stay the movement … nor do they dare point a revolutionary way out … So the general strikes will continue … the anarchists will launch their missiles … the levels of popular anger is rising … and the struggles will continue. Share this James Petras James Petras is a Bartle Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology at Binghamton University, New York. He is the author of 64 books translated in 29 languages and has published over 2000 articles. His most recent book:Global Depression and Regional Wars, Clarity Press (2009)   http://www.voltairenet.org/article164586.html

 

James Petras

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

James Petras at an Axis for Peace event

James Petras is a retired Bartle Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology at Binghamton University in Binghamton, New York and adjunct professor at Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada who has published prolifically on Latin American and Middle Eastern political issues.

Contents [hide] 1 Life and work 2 Selected bibliography 3 References 4 External links

[edit]Life and work

Petras received his B.A. from Boston University and Ph.D. from the University of California at Berkeley.^[1] His initial appointment at Binghamton was in 1972 at the Sociology Department and his field is listed as: Development, Latin America, the Caribbean, revolutionary movements, class analysis.^[2] During his life he received the Western Political Science Association’s the Best Dissertation award (1968), the Career of Distinguished Service Award from the American Sociological Association‘s Marxist Sociology Section and the Robert Kenny Award for Best Book of 2002.^{[1][citation needed]}

Petras is the author of more than 62 books published in 29 languages, and over 600 articles in professional journals, including the American Sociological Review, British Journal of Sociology, Social Research andJournal of Peasant Studies. He has published over 2000 articles in publications such as the New York Times, The Guardian, The Nation, Christian Science Monitor, Foreign Policy, New Left Review, Partisan Review and Le Monde Diplomatique. Currently he writes a monthly column for the Mexican newspaper, La Jornada, and previously, for the Spanish daily, El Mundo.^[1]

Petras is currently a member of the editorial collective of Canadian Dimension^[3] and contributes to CounterPunch^{[citation needed]} and Atlantic Free Press.^[4]

Petras describes himself as a “revolutionary and anti-imperialist” activist and writer.^{[citation needed]} He has worked with the Brazilian landless workers’ movement and the unemployed workers’ movement inArgentina. From 1973-76 Petras worked on the Bertrand Russell Tribunal on Repression in Latin America.^[1] He has called the United States the “dominant Imperial power” and has called efforts to reform human rights in China “Washington’s human rights propaganda campaign”.^[5]

In November 2006 the FARC in Colombia addressed a letter concerning three American hostages (Keith Stansell, Marc Gonsalves and Thomas Howes) to American film stars, the Reverend Jesse Jackson and leftist intellectuals Noam Chomsky, Angela Davis, and James Petras.^[6]

In a 2006 article entitled “9/11 Anti-Semitic Conspiracy Theories Still Abound”, the Anti-Defamation League noted Petras’s assertion there was evidence that “Israelis” may have known about the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks but withheld the information from the United States government.^[7][8] Petras has called American Jews “Israel’s fifth column,” a synonym for traitors, goes on to stereotype the American Jewish community “primarily defined by their entrepreneurial capacities,” and then calls them “upholders of a doctrine of offensive wars.”^[5] Petras has also called Israel “the most militarized country in the world.”^[5]

Petras has defended the 2009 election results in Iran giving “nationalist-populist” President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad a 60%+ victory, in a 2009 article entitled “The Iranian Elections: The ‘Stolen Elections’ Hoax”.^[9]Describing the struggle in Iran as pitting “high income, free market oriented capitalist individuals” reformists against Ahmadinejad’s “working class, low income, community-based supporters of a ‘moral economy’”, he denounced the claim that the election was stolen as a “hoax” perpetrated by “Western opinion makers”.^[10]

[edit]Selected bibliography

• Zionism, Militarism and the Decline of US Power, Clarity Press, Inc. (2008). ISBN 0932863604
• Rulers and Ruled in the US Empire: Bankers, Zionists and Militants, Clarity Press, Inc. (2007). ISBN 978-0932863546
• The Power of Israel in the United States, Clarity Press, Inc. (2006). ISBN 0-932863-51-5
• Empire with Imperialism: The Globalizing Dynamics of Neoliberal Capitalism, Luciano Vasapollo, Zed Books (2006).
• Social Movements and State Power: Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, with Henry Veltmeyer, Pluto Press (2005).
• Globalization Unmasked: Imperialism in the 21st Century, with Henry Veltmeyer, Zed Books (2001).
• The Dynamics of Social Change in Latin America, with Henry Veltmeyer, Palgrave Macmillan (2000).
• Empire or Republic: Global Power or Domestic Decay in the US, with Morris Morley, Routledge (1994).
• Latin America in the Time of Cholera: Electoral Politics, Market Economics, and Permanent Crisis, Routlege (1992).

[edit]References

1. ^ ^{a b c d} About James Petras on his personal website.
2. ^ Binghamton University Faculty listing.
3. ^ About Canadian Dimensions list of editorial collective.
4. ^ http://www.atlanticfreepress.com/home/profiles/userprofile/jamesp.html Atlantic Free Press
5. ^ ^{a b c} James Petras: War with China? The Dangers of a Global Conflagration: Rising and Declining Economic Powers: The Sino-US Conflict Deepens
6. ^ Toby Muse, Associated Press in Bogotá, Colombian rebels ask Hollywood stars to intervene, The Guardian, November 10, 2006.
7. ^ 9/11 Anti-Semitic Conspiracy Theories Still Abound, Anti-Defamation League, September 7, 2006.
8. ^ James Petras, Israel and the U.S.: A unique relationship, James Petras web site, January 23, 2002.
9. ^ Iranian Elections: The ‘Stolen Elections’ Hoax by Prof. James Petras Global Research, June 18, 2009, accessed 14-July-2009
10. ^ The Tragedy of the Left’s Discourse on Iran July 10, 2009 By Saeed Rahnema

[edit]External links

• James Petras Website
• Search Canadian Dimensions and CounterPunch for James Petras’ articles.
• Entrevista a James Petras sobre ONG (castellano)
• Article on Iranian Presidential Election 2009 for Global Research
• Stephen Lendman, Long review of “James Petras’ New Book: The Power of Israel in the United States”, Global Research, October 29, 2006.

http://petras.lahaine.org/

 

Άρθρο Βόμβα: Ποιος είναι ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΑ ο “Γιώργος” Α. Παπανδρέου; Το προφιλ ενός ψεύτη και προδότη Πρωθυπουργού.

http://anti-ntp.blogspot.com/2010/08/blog-post_703.html

ΤΟ ΠΑΣΟΚ ΓΙΑ ΑΚΟΜΗ ΜΙΑ ΦΟΡΑ ΠΙΣΤΟ ΣΤΙΣ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΥΠΟΝΟΜΕΥΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΧΩΡΑ…ΑΝΘΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ ΜΕ ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ ΜΕ ΑΠΟΔΕΙΞΗ…ΒΙΑΖΟΝΤΑΙ ΚΙΟΛΑΣ…ΚΑΤΙ ΞΕΡΟΥΝ…ΓΑΠ=ΑΠΩΛΕΙΑ ΕΘΝΙΚΗΣ ΚΥΡΙΑΡΧΙΑΣ.-

Πρωτόγνωρες αντιδράσεις από αξιωματικούς και των τριών Κλάδων και όλων των βαθμίδων καταγράφονται μετά την χθεσινή δήλωση του πρωθυπουργού Γιώργου Παπανδρέου για «μειωμένη εθνική κυριαρχία, λόγω κακού χειρισμού των οικονομικών μας». Η συγκεκριμένη δήλωση – «έτσι όπως χειριστήκαμε τα οικονομικά μας αφαιρείται και ένα κομμάτι τις κυριαρχίας μας» – δημιούργησε κύμα διαμαρτυριών μεταξύ των ένστολων το οποίο δεν έχει καταγραφεί άλλη φορά στο παρελθόν με εξαίρεση την περίπτωση  των … Ιμίων, όταν επιχειρήθηκε να φορτωθεί στους αξιωματικούς το φιάσκο της επιχείρησης.

«Η εθνική κυριαρχία χάνεται μόνο μετά από ήττα σε πόλεμο και εμείς δεν έχουμε χάσει κανένα πόλεμο. Αν νομίζει ότι έχει ηττηθεί αυτός είναι δικός του λογαριασμός, όχι όμως της Ελλάδας» ήταν η πιο αιχμηρή δήλωση που καταγράψαμε από ανώτερο αξιωματικό του Στρατού Ξηράς που υπηρετεί σε μονάδα των συνόρων.

Εξίσου αιχμηρή ήταν και η άποψη έτερου, ιπτάμενου αξιωματικού της Π.Α.: «Υπεύθυνοι για την διατήρηση της εθνικής κυριαρχία είμαστε εμείς που πολεμάμε καθημερινά στον ουρανό με τους απέναντι εισβολείς. Εμείς κερδίζουμε σχεδόν όλες τις μάχες. Αν κάποιοι άλλοι χάνουν μάχες στο χρηματιστήριο ή στα ομόλογα ή έχουν κλέψει τόσα λεφτά και τώρα ήρθε η ώρα της πληρωμής αυτό είναι δικό τους θέμα όχι της Ελλάδας και σίγουρα δεν έχει σχέση με την εθνική μας κυριαρχία».

Ακόμα και ο πρόεδρος της Ν.Δ. Α.Σαμαράς που εμφανίζει  ιδιαίτερα συναινετικό πνεύμα έναντι της κυβέρνησης με αφορμή την δήλωση αυτή κάλεσε τον πρωθυπουργό «να είναι πιο προσεκτικός σε αυτά που λέει περί εθνικής κυριαρχίας»

Για πρώτη φορά το κλίμα που καταγράφεται μεταξύ των αξιωματικών είναι τόσο «βαρύ» για μιά κυβέρνηση τεσσάρων μηνών. Και βέβαια δεν έχει να κάνει μόνο με τις δηλώσεις Παπανδρέου. Η κυβερνητική μεθόδευση για αύξηση των ορίων ηλικίας και περικοπή επιδομάτων, οδοιπορικών κλπ. από έναν κλάδο ο οποίος όχι απλώς αμοίβεται πενιχρά σε σχέση με αυτό που προσφέρει, αλλά δεν συγκρίνονται οι όροι και οι συνθήκες εργασίας με κανένα άλλο επάγγελμα, έχει δημιουργήσει εκρηκτική κατάσταση.

Χαρακτηριστικό είναι ότι στο Πολεμικό Ναυτικό πριν από πέντε ημέρες τέθηκε θέμα παραίτησης του Α/ΓΕΝ Γιώργου Καραμαλίκη καθώς το Ναυτικό Νοσοκομείο για πρώτη φορά εντάχθηκε στο σύστημα εφημεριών του ΕΣΥ (!) ενώ οριακά ανταποκρίνεται στις νυν υποχρεώσεις του έναντι των δικαιούχων! Η παραίτηση απετράπη κυρίως λόγω του γεγονότος ότι ο ίδιος δεν θέλησε λίγες ημέρες πριν από την βέβαιη αποστρατεία του να δημιουργήσει πολιτικό ζήτημα.

Η χθεσινή απουσία της πολιτικής ηγεσίας του υπουργείου από την τελετή ένταξης των επιθετικών ελικοπτέρων AH-64DHA στα Μέγαρα, δεν ήταν μία απλή «παράλειψη λόγω ανειλημμένων υποχρεώσεων», ήταν μία εσκεμμένη ενέργεια από την πλευρά της πολιτικής ηγεσίας η οποία πλέον βρίσκεται σε ανοικτή αντιπαράθεση με το προσωπικό των Ε.Δ.

Ο υπουργός Εθνικής Άμυνας Ε.Βενιζέλος έχει αντιληφθεί τον κίνδυνο που περικλείει αυτή η δυσαρέσκεια και επιχειρεί να καθυστερήσει ή να βελτιώσει τις τελικές ρυθμίσεις για το συνταξιοδοτικό στο μέτρο του δυνατού. Διότι δείχνει να αντιλαμβάνεται ότι μπορεί λόγω της φύσεως του επαγγέλματος η δυσαρέσκεια των αξιωματικών να «βράζει» υπογείως, αλλά ο υπόγειος «βρασμός» είναι πιο επικίνδυνος από αυτόν που εκτονώνεται…

http://www.defencenet.gr/defence/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=10789&Itemid=139

Ο ΤΡΑΓΙΚΟΣ ΓΑΠ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΑΚΟΜΗ ΠΙΟ ΤΡΑΓΙΚΟ ΜΕΛΛΟΝ ΜΑΣ…

ΤΡΑΓΙΚΑ ΑΝΕΚΔΟΤΑ

ΣΥΝΕΧΙΖΟΥΜΕ για να φιλοτεχνήσουμε τη συνολική τραγική εικόνα του ανδρός

Η ΤΡΑΓΙΚΗ δήλωση του κ.Γ.Παπανδρέου,
που θέλουμε να πιστεύουμε ότι μάλλον είναι μαύρο ανέκδοτο:
www.online-press.gr – 18.1.2009
————————————-
Απίστευτη δήλωση του Γ.Παπανδρέου ως Υπ.Εξωτερικών
—————————————————————–
Δήλωση του Γεωργίου Παπανδρέου ως υπουργός εξωτερικών το 1999:

“ Προσωπικά πιστεύω ότι είναι καλύτερα να έχουμε μερικά στρέμματα γηs λιγότερα από εκείνα που μαs ανήκουν, και να κοιμόμαστε τα βράδια ήσυχοι και ασφαλείs, παρά να έχουμε ότι μαs ανήκει και να μην μπορούμε να κλείσουμε μάτι από τον κίνδυνο κάποιαs ξαφνικήs επίθεσηs κακόβουλων γειτόνων εναντίον μαs.”

Έλληνες, αυτός θα είναι ο επόμενος πρωθυπουργός μας;;
Τη δήλωση ο Γιώργος Παπανδρέου την έκανε στον κ. ΘΩΜΑ ΣΑΡΑ, αρχισυντάκτη τηs Βορειο – Αμερικανικήs Επιθεώρησηs « ΠΑΤΡΙΔΕΣ » , Προέδρου του Εθνικού Συμβουλίου Συντακτών του Ξενόγλωσσου Τύπου του Καναδά. Ολόκληρο το άρθρο του κ. Σάρα θα το δείτε στην προηγούμενη ανάρτηση του blog μας.
=============================
Θυμίζουμε και την ΔΟΛΟΦΟΝΙΚΗ απειλή στο ΒΗΜΑ-29.6.07
——————————————
ΒΗΜΑ – 29.6.07 = Πρώτη σελίδα,κάτω δεξιά
=============================================
ΠΡΟΣΟΧΗ
Το παιχνίδι είναι μεγάλο και η χώρα μας μικρή.
Η βιασύνη του Πούτιν και οι αντιδράσεις των
Αμερικανών, δείχνουν ότι η Ελλάδα έχει εμπλακεί
σε μια σκληρή αναμέτρηση.Αυτονόητο είναι ότι
χρειάζονται προσεκτικές αποφάσεις και ευέλικτες
κινήσεις. Η Ελλάδα πρέπει να βγει κερδισμένη
και να μη γίνει στόχος εκδικητικής μανίας.
Διότι όλοι γνωρίζουμε
πλέον πώς αντιδρούν
οι μεγάλες δυνάμεις…
ΤΟ ΒΗΜΑ
==============================================

Και τελειώνουμε με ένα,ΔΙΑΧΡΟΝΙΚΟΤΑΤΟ,δυστυχώς,συμπέρασμα:

http://www.resaltomag.gr/forum/viewtopic.php?t=3663
10.9.09

Ο λύκος και ο άνθρωπος

Ο σπουδαίος σατιρικός συγγραφέας, ο μακαρίτης ο Νίκος ο Τσιφόρος, έλεγε συχνά:
« ¨Όταν βλέπω αυτό το λύκο ( και εννοούσε έναν άθλιο θεατρικό επιχειρηματία) , να τσακώνεται με οποιονδήποτε άνθρωπο, εγώ είμαι πάντα με τον άνθρωπο..!!»..
Εμείς σήμερα λέμε:
« Όταν βλέπουμε αυτούς τους λύκους ( και εννοούμε τα μεγάλα οικονομικά συγκροτήματα και τους μεγάλους ξένους «προστάτες» μας..), να πολεμούν λυσσασμένα, οποιονδήποτε Έλληνα Πολιτικό, εμείς είμαστε πάντα με τον οποιονδήποτε Έλληνα Πολιτικό..»

http://www.resaltomag.gr/forum/viewtopic.php?t=3670

ΤΟ ΧΩΡΟ ΘΕΛΕΙ ΠΑΣΟΚ…ΟΤΑΝ ΛΕΜΕ ΠΑΣΟΚ ΕΝΝΟΟΥΜΕ ΓΙΩΡΓΟ ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΑ (Ή ΠΑΠΑΝΔΡΕΟ…)Η ΕΛΛΑΔΑ ΠΟΥ ΑΞΙΖΕΙ ΣΤΟΥΣ ΣΗΜΕΡΙΝΟΥΣ ΝΕΟΕΛΛΗΝΕΣ…

http://ygro-pyr.blogspot.com/2009/09/blog-post_2367.html